Agborali Chadadali earns less than £1 a day as a labourer in a
brick factory in Bangladesh. Photograph: Zed Nelson/Panos
Is our ownership of property legitimate?
ECONOMIC POWER IS based fundamentally on ownership and the possession
of property. In the 19th century the anarchist Proudhon declared that
"property is theft", and although I disagree with this sweeping claim I
believe there is an element of truth in it.
I would suggest that there are two forms of property - legitimate and
illegitimate - and that these are determined by three means of
acquisition: work, gift and theft. Legitimate property is obtained
through work and gift, whereas illegitimate property is obtained
through theft. It is important therefore that we are able to
distinguish between work, gift and theft. But it is not a clear-cut
issue. We have to rely on definitions through consensus.
'Work', whether physical, intellectual or artistic, could be defined as
'that activity which is socially beneficial and conducted within legal
and ethical constraints.' We then have to define what is meant by
'socially beneficial', but the necessity for agreed definitions is
important. This is demonstrated for example in the fine distinction
made between tax avoidance and tax evasion, between legality and
illegality. It is something that is argued back and forth by lawyers
and accountants striving to interpret the law.
The distinction between legitimate and illegitimate work will depend on
a consensus view. Fraudsters who may expend great effort, skill and
diligence in their activities do not 'work'. Equally the failure of an
enterprise may not be due to lack of work. It may be a matter of
incompetence. But incompetence, although unfortunate, is not illegal.
Initially, the purpose of work is to benefit the individual. But if
this work is conducted within legal and ethical standards, then it is
also of benefit to society, and this form of work merits reward in the
form of material wealth or money.
The
acquisition of property by 'gift' would appear to be more easily
defined. However, where wealth is passed on through inheritance, there
is necessarily an ongoing debate, but the situation is monitored by the
inheritance tax laws. The system at least is transparent. The giver and
the receiver are known.
Where 'theft' is
concerned a definition is far more problematic. Wealth and power derive
mainly through ownership. No matter how hard a person of modest means
might work, the resultant increase in his or her overall wealth may be
insignificant compared to the increase arising from a slight adjustment
in the affairs of a rich person. Whether such adjustment can be
described as work is extremely difficult to determine. The rich would
generally say that it can, for they may devote a great deal of their
time and effort to just such activity, and it is quite apparent that in
the world of international finance such adjustments can gain or lose
fortunes within seconds. Whether such large-scale financial
manipulations are socially beneficial is an open question. They are
certainly an established part of economic life. In the pursuit of gain,
the production of artefacts or the provision of services cannot compete
with the manipulation of wealth. It was well stated by the economist J.
K. Galbraith, who said: "It is more advantageous to own things than to
make things." It is obviously more advantageous to be rich and,
having achieved that desirable state, to expend little effort in
maintaining it. Whether such effort can be described as work is
questionable, for its usefulness is only of benefit to the owners of
excessive wealth. The question is whether such ownership is legitimate
or illegitimate.
Probably the oldest form of ownership is land ownership; it has
bestowed great power and privilege on the owner throughout history and
continues to do so. But property in land is probably the most blatant
act of theft perpetrated by society on itself. It is stated in such
strong terms deliberately, for the whole of society is culpable.
Very few question the validity of property in land; even the
dispossessed believe such a concept is legitimate. But a little serious
thought shows that legitimate ownership of land is impossible. The land
was there before societies existed and will still be there when we and
all our works are gone. It could only have become possessed by theft.
The term 'land' encompasses all the natural wealth of the planet: the
oil and minerals in the ground, the natural forests, the fish in the
sea. None of this may be 'owned'. At best we are the trustees, on
behalf of all living beings and future generations. If we claim
ownership and pollute or destroy the natural fabric of the Earth, we
break that trust.
There is no question that all
of us need land, but this applies to all equally. Even farmers who
cultivate and care for the land have no right of ownership. They have
the right to security of tenure and the product of their husbandry.
They have a right to sell the value of its fertility for which they
have worked, but they are selling the product of their work; they are
not selling the land. They are, as we all are, no more than custodians.
This is an example of the distinction that must be made between
legitimate and illegitimate property, a distinction which has become
blurred over time and eventually lost, to the great advantage of
landlords and land speculators who have been able to amass great
fortunes through land transactions and rents on the spurious claim of
ownership. The origins of their 'ownership' must have begun with
appropriation either by guile or by force, and no amount of subsequent
legal ratification can alter that fact.
ANOTHER
IMPORTANT FACTOR in the exercise of power through ownership is in the
area of shareholding, a cornerstone of the capitalist system. The
injustices that arose from absentee ownership of land in the 18th and
19th centuries are reflected in the current system of share ownership,
whereby whole industries are owned by shareholders who are largely
indifferent towards or ignorant of the nature of the industry they own.
Their sole interest is that the return on their shareholding should be
profitable. As with the absentee landowners of the past, this
represents a form of power without responsibility. However, the system
is now entrenched in everyday life; and the buying and selling of
shares, regardless of what industry they represent, is carried out on
behalf of anyone with a savings account in any institution. We are all
absentee owners either directly or indirectly. But we take no
responsibility. When enterprises are successful and prosperous,
everyone is happy to take a share in the wealth, but when an enterprise
runs into difficulties, the shareholders try to sell their shares or
complain to the managers they themselves put in place that their
profits are down.
Private trade has always
been a legitimate activity, the abiding principle being to buy at a low
price and sell at a higher price and thereby make a living. The trader
makes a profit, and society is served by a facilitation in the access
to goods and services. The activity is useful work. But the further
removed trade becomes from its original source, the more it is subject
to the law of diminishing returns, not only to the trader but to
society in general. At some point it forfeits its usefulness. Such is
the case in areas of international finance where, in the buying and
selling of currencies and high-risk shares, one has the impression of a
gambling casino, which in terms of social benefit is completely
unproductive. Therefore those who gain a living from neither work nor
gift are, by definition, engaged in theft, the consequence of which is
social and ecological damage.
IN THE
CONTEMPORARY world, poverty is caused by the growth and maintenance of
ownership in large concentrations that take from society more than they
give. It is a form of theft. Real wealth is produced through the
application of real work, and those who have an excess of wealth have
gained it through the work of others. In this sense, the act of theft
is gradual and insidious but no less real. We see the gradual
transition from legitimate to illegitimate property, legitimate to
illegitimate power. The primary cause of poverty is an economic system
that promotes excessive concentrations of wealth and ownership. Very
simply, the fundamental cause of poverty is greed.
I am not arguing for the confiscation of wealth, or even for equality.
Self-interest cannot be eliminated by legislation. Attempts to do so in
the past have resulted in the imposition of brutal tyrannies. We should
concentrate less on equality and more on justice. Justice and fairness
should became the guiding principles in our economic affairs.
Economics is not only about production and wealth creation. It is also
about morality, and the first moral principle is that the strong owe a
duty towards the weak. There are enormous social injustices in the
world. Of course, remedial activity is constantly being carried out to
alleviate poverty, but it never can get to the root-cause of the
problem: the concentration of excessive wealth and the safeguarding of
illegitimate property.
Any reform of the
situation will require a redefinition of the meanings of 'work' and of
'ownership'. We can only face up to the problem of injustice when we
are able to recognise that the 'ownership' of land, forests, rivers and
all other natural resources is a form of theft. Only when we move from
ownership to trusteeship can we create a just society.
The future challenge lies in devising a socio-economic system that is
able to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate property, and
that would incorporate incentives to promote work that is socially
beneficial and discourage work that is not.