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Linking of Rivers: Judicial Activism or Error?

The Supreme Court's direction that the rivers of India shall be linked within 10 years is not at all a defensible instance of judicial activism. That apart, turning to the merits of the direction, one wishes that the learned judges had undertaken a more careful study of the subject before deciding to issue directions. Fortunately these are interim directions, and there is still time for a reconsideration of the matter. It is to be hoped that the Task Force that is to be set up as directed by the Supreme Court will consider not merely the 'modalities' of the `linking of rivers' but also the soundness and wisdom of the idea. Any headlong rush in the pursuit of this chimera will be disastrous.

By Ramaswamy RIyer 


The Supreme Court has decreed that the rivers of India shall be linked within 10 years. The usual response “one does not know whether to laugh or to cry” would be inappropriate in this case, as one is not permitted to laugh at anything that the judges say except at their jokes if they make any; but presumably one is not precluded from crying in despair. An almost abandoned idea has been given fresh currency; a dubious idea has been given legitimacy; and a wild-goose chase has been not merely sanctioned but mandated.

However, before we go into the merits of the direction it is necessary to ask: is this a legitimate venture in what has come to be known as judicial activism? Please note that the question posed is not whether judicial activism is legitimate, but whether this particular direction is a legitimate exercise of judicial activism. (To obviate misunderstanding it may be stated that this writer shares, with some reservations, the prevailing admiration in this country for judicial activism.)

Generally, when the judiciary stretches its scope or jurisdiction or concerns, the objective is to secure human rights or ensure justice or protect the environment; and even that last-mentioned objective can be regarded as an attempt to ensure the human right to a clean environment. No such justification is available in the present case. The Supreme Court can hold that the right to drinking water is part of the right to life, and can direct the state to ensure that that right is not denied; but precisely how that right is to be ensured is not within the domain of the judiciary. There are many different ways in which the future drinking water needs of the people can be met, and the linking of rivers is only one of the ideas mooted in this context. The Supreme Court could have directed the state to take steps to see that the need is met without specifying the particular route to be chosen for this purpose.

Moreover, it is by no means clear that there is a direct link between the right to water and the linking of rivers. The ‘human right’ to water is invoked in the context of water as life-support, i e, drinking water. Drinking water is only a small part of total water needs. The really large demands for water usually arise in the context of irrigation which accounts for upwards of 80 per cent of our usable water resources. It is for meeting those huge demands that big projects – large dams, long-distance water transfers, the linking of rivers – are mooted. Thus, the link with human rights that justifies judicial activism cannot be invoked in aid of a direction for the linking of rivers.

It could be argued that the judiciary is concerned with conflicts and their prevention, but here again, it is only entitled to say: ‘find ways and means of avoiding conflicts over river waters’, and not: ‘transfer waters from surplus to deficit rivers for augmenting the flows of the latter and obviating conflicts’. (A further point is that even assuming that such a transfer may help in obviating conflicts in relation to the recipient river, it may in fact generate a conflict in relation to the river from which the transfer is to be effected.)

A form that judicial activism has taken in this country is the assumption of the right to ask public authorities why they have not been discharging their responsibilities. The present case cannot be brought under that umbrella either. The Supreme Court seems to have assumed that the linking of rivers was an accepted idea that has been languishing for decades for want of attention and action. If so, a direction to accelerate action may seem a legitimate exercise of judicial activism. That is not the case. The idea is doubtless an old one, but there have always been doubts about its soundness and practicability.

All these points lead to the conclusion that the Supreme Court’s direction in this case was not at all a defensible instance of judicial activism. One wonders whether it was a judicial act at all.

That is a very important point, but let us put it aside and consider the merits of the direction. As already mentioned, there has always been much scepticism in regard to this idea. With respect, one wishes that the learned judges had undertaken a more careful study of the subject before deciding to issue directions. Fortunately these are interim directions, and there is still time for a reconsideration of the matter. How questionable the idea is will be clear from the following.

The gigantic Brahmaputra-Ganga gravity link canal that India had proposed in the seventies was rejected by Bangladesh for many reasons, at least some of which were and continue to be valid; that proposal is dead. An alternative link canal passing entirely through Indian territory (the Siliguri chicken-neck!) will involve large lifts and seems likely to be both non-viable and questionable from other points of view, even if it is physically do-able and the money can be found. We must disabuse ourselves of the notion that the vast waters of the Brahmaputra can be diverted westwards or southwards. At best we can think in terms of some minor transfers within the Brahmaputra system (say, to Teesta).

Generally, when people talk about the linking of rivers, they have one of two ideas in mind: ‘Garland Canal’ or ‘Ganga-Cauvery link’. The ‘Garland Canal’ idea mooted by Capt Dastur was merely a fanciful notion that never commanded respect among knowledgeable people. It does not deserve serious discussion here. K L Rao’s idea of a Ganga-Cauvery link was long ago given up by the ministry of water resources as unworkable. Apart from considerations of techno-economic viability (on which the proposition was abandoned), it will have international implications. Under the India-Bangladesh Treaty of December 1996 on the sharing of Ganga waters, India has undertaken to protect the flows arriving at Farakka, which is the sharing point. How will a diversion of waters from the Ganga to the southern rivers be consistent with this? Will the flows at Farakka be left intact, and water diverted from, say, whatever is now being used by UP and Bihar? Bihar has already a strong sense of grievance that its interests have not been given due consideration. Besides, in the context of the India-Bangladesh talks, it is a proposition accepted by both sides that the Ganga is water-short and needs to be `augmented’, though the two sides have different notions on the means of augmentation: one has reservations on that proposition, but if that is in fact true, where is the scope for diversion from the Ganga?

We entertain grand visions of long-distance water transfers from one basin to another, when we cannot even persuade neighbouring states within a basin to agree upon a sharing of waters (e g, Ravi-Beas, Cauvery). The National Water Development Agency has been studying the possibilities of linking the peninsular rivers (Mahanadi-Godavari-Krishna-Pennar-Cauvery), but Orissa does not agree that there is a surplus in the Mahanadi, and Andhra Pradesh does not agree that there is a surplus in the Godavari.

Turning to theoretical considerations, we cannot simultaneously urge (i) that planning must be on the basis of a basin as a natural hydrological unit, and (ii) that we must cut across the basins and link them. Quite apart from the technical challenges involved, this implies the redrawing of the geography of the country. One’s misgivings about that kind of technological hubris or Prometheanism (‘the conquest of nature’ philosophy) may be dismissed by some as romantic, but the practical difficulties involved cannot be so dismissed.

Every inter-basin transfer must necessarily involve the carrying of water across the natural barrier between basins (which is what makes them basins) by lifting, or by tunnelling through, or by a long circuitous routing around the mountains if such a possibility exists in a given case. Exceptionally heavy capital investments and continuing energy costs (in operation) are almost always likely to be involved. In addition, big dams, reservoirs and conveyance systems will need to be built, involving not merely large investments but also substantial environmental impacts and displacement/rehabilitation problems. All this will need to be looked at very closely in every case. Not too many projects are likely to survive such a scrutiny. Even more serious is the funding problem. Plan outlays are barely adequate even for the completion of projects already undertaken. One estimate – that of the National Commission referred to later in this article – of amounts needed for completing spill-over projects is Rs 70,000 crore in the Tenth Plan and Rs 1,10,000 crore in the Eleventh Plan. That leaves no scope for new major projects, and necessitates a severe selectivity even in regard to the continuance of what are called ‘on-going projects’. Against that background, there seems to be little likelihood of finding the massive resources needed for a major river-linking undertaking. The rough figure mentioned in the Supreme Court in this context was Rs 5,60,000 crore. This is where that expression ‘one does not know whether to laugh or to cry’ (mentioned earlier) forces itself upon one. One is reminded of the Tamil saying ‘asking for directions to a place to which one does not propose to go’. We may be wasting a good deal of time in pursuing such grandiose and unpromising propositions, and distracting ourselves from finding time and money for more modest, worthwhile and urgent activities, such as extensive water-harvesting all over the country (wherever feasible) and the massive task of rehabilitation of tanks in the south and other similar traditional systems (‘dying wisdom’) elsewhere. Even more important is effective demand management through improved efficiency and economy in water use, whether in agriculture or in industry or in domestic and municipal uses, so as to minimise the need for supply-side solutions.

Lastly, the idea of ‘linking of rivers’ that everyone is now talking about has already been carefully considered by a high-level National Commission (on Integrated Water Resources Development Plan) and found to be not so promising. Should we not at least look at that commission’s report and see what it had to say before re-floating the idea?

We must hope that the Task Force that is to be set up as directed by the Supreme Court will consider not merely the ‘modalities’ of the ‘linking of rivers’ but also the soundness and wisdom of the idea. Any headlong rush in the pursuit of this chimera will be disastrous.

 

Courtesy http://www.epw.org.in

 



 

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